The quickest way to force a war with China is to launch a 'premptive strike' against N. Korea. Now they're trying to claim ol' boy murdered his own brother in Malaysia. BULLSHIT! that man waas murdered because his brother tested those missiles and another nuclear bomb. He did not kill his brother for his brother just wanted to live a normal life He had no political aspirations at all!!. And they murdered an innocent man just to send a message to kim jung un. God tells me He's had enough of you and this time you will pay for this outrage! He was murdered by outside interlopers. Be it mi6 or cia or mossad, or all of them don't know; but kim jung un did not murder his brother! LEAVE THEM ALONE! Why only you have a right to have nuclear bombs?!!? Thank God your end is coming soon! I don't care about you but other innocent people who will die because you want to defy God's Will. Leave them alone!
Does it make sense? What comes after? What comes before?
In the spring of 2013,
former Director of Central Intelligence James Woolsey raised the specter
of North Korea developing the capability to use an electro-magnetic
pulse (EMP) weapon against the United States with the prospect that it
would destroy vast amounts of infrastructure that relies on access to
electricity. He called on the U.S. to prepare for a preemptive strike
against North Korea to prevent it from developing this capability, just
as former Secretary of Defense William Perry and current Deputy
Secretary of Defense Ashton Carter argued for a preemptive strike in a 2006 Time editorial to prevent the North from developing an ICBM and nuclear capability that could threaten the United States.
None of these three
distinguished leaders were making these calls lightly and each knew full
well the potential consequences. What comes after a preemptive strike
must be considered and with this consideration important preparation can
be conducted beforehand to either deter or defend against what comes in
the aftermath. The purpose of this essay is not to argue for or
against a preemptive strike because that decision will be made by the
President who has to weigh the cost in blood and treasure of such a
decision. It is solely to provide military advice and recommendations
on the preparations necessary should the decision be made to conduct
such a strike.
A preemptive attack
against North Korea is not a simple operation. It is not the same as
the attack on Libya in 1986, nor will it be like the air operations over
Kosovo and the Balkans or even cruise missile strikes in Afghanistan
and Sudan in the 1990s. It is not the same as Israel attacking nuclear
facilities in Osirak in 1981 or Syria in 2007. There will be much more
at stake.
As most know, the vital
national interest of North Korea is the survival of the Kim family
regime. The military is key to this regime’s survival and its nuclear
and missile capabilities are critical not only for deterrence and
defense, it is also crucial to North Korea’s “blackmail diplomacy” that
relies on threats and provocations to gain political and economic
concessions. An attack against these critical capabilities would likely
be interpreted as an existential threat to the regime and could result
in a major attack on the Republic of Korea. While this may seem like an
irrational response from a U.S. and South Korean perspective because
the North is unlikely to achieve victory against the ROK-U.S. alliance,
we should recall Robert Jervis’ wise words from 1988: “It is rational to
start a war one does not expect to win (to be more technical, whose
expected utility is negative), if it is believed that the likely
consequences of not fighting are even worse.” The consequences of the
loss of its nuclear and missile capabilities may be worse in the
calculus of the Kim family regime. Therefore, we must assume that what
comes after a preemptive strike could very well be an attack by the
North and we must plan accordingly.
A question we should ask
ourselves before we conduct a preemptive strike is what actions would
the ROK-U.S. alliance take if it knew the exact day that the North was
to execute its campaign plan against the South in an attempt to unify
the peninsula? If we had such perfect intelligence then the obvious
answer is that we would take every action possible to deter such an
attack and at the same time we would bring the ROK-U.S. military forces
to the highest state of readiness in order to defend against such an
attack. So what are those actions and how would we raise our readiness
posture?
Once the decision is made
by the U.S. President to conduct a preemptive strike, the first step is
to consult our Korean allies to ensure we can initiate the full range of
combined military preparations. These will include raising the defense
readiness condition to the appropriate levels, deploying in-country
forces to defensive positions, and initiating ROK reserve mobilization.
In addition, the U.S. will need to deploy reinforcements from Japan,
Guam, Okinawa and the continental U.S.; position the 7th
Fleet for operations in the Korean Theater of Operations; and establish
an air bridge in order to support flights of strategic aircraft
conducting long distance strikes. Most significantly, the U.S. will
have to initiate a non-combatant evacuation order to move American
citizens out of harm’s way.
While these may seem like
extreme preparations, they are some of the most critical requirements
that must be in place to support the strike, as well as to deter North
Korea’s response. All ROK and U.S. assets must be able to effectively
defend against the so-called counter-fire fight, or the attack by the
North Korean military that will fire thousands of rounds from hundreds
of artillery and rockets systems capable of reaching Seoul. Missile
defense systems will need to be in place to defend key population
centers and military installations from the North’s long-range
missiles. Finally, ROK and U.S. air forces will need to be prepared to
attack and destroy the North Korean integrated air defense system to
provide the freedom of action to conduct a preemptive strike and support
defensive operations should the North retaliate.
Many will argue that
making such preparations prior to a preemptive strike will take away the
element of surprise. That is true. We will surely be showing our
hand. While this may seem counter-intuitive, these preparations also
take away the element of surprise that the North needs to initiate its
own campaign plan. North Korea requires both surprise and an unprepared
ROK-U.S. military alliance in order to have any chance of achieving
success. Denying the North these advantages may be a greater deterrence
than any rhetoric from the South, U.S., or the international community.
Further, ROK-U.S. military capabilities are so superior that the
alliance can conduct a preemptive strike at the time and place of its
choosing even without the element of surprise.
The decision to conduct a
preemptive strike is not a simple matter. The conditions on the
peninsula must be taken into account with proper and prudent
preparations executed. We must also anticipate the North Korean
response. However, if policymakers consider these preparations to be
too extreme, then the recommendation to conduct a preemptive strike
should be re-evaluated. If the assessed threat from North Korea does
not warrant such military preparations, then the threat may not be
dangerous enough to require a preemptive strike. This is a decision for
policymakers to recommend and for the President to make. Before a
decision is made, the best military analysis should be solicited. The
bottom line is if we are not willing to expend the treasure to conduct
prudent preparations to reduce the chances of spilling military and
civilian blood, then perhaps a preemptive strike is not appropriate.
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